^s 



NATIONAL THANKSGIVING: 



A SERMON, 



PREACHED IN THE 



FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH OF CRANBURY, 

NEW JERSEY, 

OX NOVEMBER 26, 1863. 



JOSEPH G !' ^S Y M M E S, 

PASTOR OF THE CHURCH. 



PHILADELPHIA: 
WILLIAM S. & ALFRED MARTIEN, 

606 Chestnut Street. 
1864. 






'or 



^c 



CiiiNBURY, Xovember 21th, 1863. 
Rev. and Dbar Pastor: 

Having heard, with much pleasure, a National Thanksgiving Sermon 
from you, on the 26th inst., and desiring that those who heard and those 
who did not hear, may alike be benefitted by reading the same, we request 
a manuscript for publication. 

Yours ever and truly, 

RICHARD McDowell, 

PETER JOHNSON DEY, 
JOHN J. APPLEGATE, 
DERRICK G. PERRINE, 
MATTHIAS M. PERRINE, 
HENRY H. STULTS, 
NELSON L. FORMAN, 
STEPHEN T. DUNCAN, 

Elders. 
To the Rev. J. G. Symmes. 



Cranbury, December \st, 1863. 
To THE Session op the First Church. 
Dear Brethren: 

The Sermon was prepared with a desire to benefit the people of 
this community; and if they judge that it would be profitable to have it 
in a more permanent form, I am hardly at liberty to refuse. And 
especially so, since the sentiments uttered are such as I am glad to have 
go upon record. I have taken the liberty to make only such changes as 
will more clearly express my meaning. 

Very truly your Friend and Pastor, 

JOSEPH G. SYMMES. 



^ 



7 



SEEM ON. 



PSALM CXLV. 7. 

"They shall abundantly utter the memory of thy great goodness, and shall 

sing of thy righteousness." 

I WELC03IE you all into the courts of the Lord's 
house to-day, with peculiar satisfaction, to respond 
to the President's call to thanksgiving. The seasons 
have now yielded their increase; the blessings of 
health have been largely enjoyed; the quiet of our 
homes has not been disturbed by the hand of vio- 
lence; the sanctuary has been open to all, and the 
priceless blessings of the gospel have been within 
the reach of all; and it is meet that we should 
appear before the Lord with praise. A more appro- 
priate season could not be suggested, and no exercise 
more delightful could call us together. 

No officer has authority to appoint such a day as 
this; much less, power to enforce its observance. 
But custom and the fitness of thinsfs have assigned 
the pleasing duty of naming such a day to the high- 
est civil officer. And hitherto this duty has been 
performed by the Governors of various States, until 
"Thanksgiving" had approached the character of a 
national day. It needed only the call of the highest 
officer of the land to make it national. And so 
both propriety, and the growth of custom, indicated 
that it was time for the President to appoint such a 



6 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

(lav. He is the hisrhest officer in the land; the 
legally appointed, and therefore divinely constituted, 
head of the nation. And therefore we hail his call 
to praise and prayer with the highest satisfaction. 
We hail it because we recognise in it a significant 
indication of the fact, now growing grandly and 
broadly distinct, that we are a nation. We hail it 
with greater joy, because it completes our national 
recognition of Divine Providence. The Presidents 
have frequently called to humiliation and prayer, 
and to special thanksgiving ; but this general an- 
nual call was still needed, and never before had been 
given by the nation's head. May it never again be 
omitted. 

And now, because this call of the President marks 
an epoch, at least in the moral history of our coun- 
try, and also because of the transcendent importance 
of passing events, I think it is peculiarly appropriate 
that our attention should to-day be directed to the 
goodness and righteousness of our God, as manifested 
in his dealings with our country. In his preserva- 
tion of this land for ages from the knowledge of the 
civilized world; in his preparation of a chosen seed 
from all the nations of Europe, with which to make 
this wilderness "blossom as the rose;" in his care 
over our fathers through their years of minority, 
through their struggles in the formation of a Con- 
stitution, which, though not perfect, has never been 
surpassed by man, and through their establishment 
and administration of a government unequalled in 
the blessings it secures; and in the fearful visita- 
tions of drought, war, and pestilence; in all this we 
have seen displayed and mingled the goodness and 



^-.r 



NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 7 

righteousness of the Lord. His dealings with a 
nation must always be in accordance with righteous- 
ness; his goodness must always have some relation 
to their deserts; because nations are not immortal as 
such, and cannot be judged hereafter. In the pre- 
sent condition of our nation it becometh us to 
acknowledge the righteous hand of God, chastening 
us for our sins; but we must not forget also to 
acknowledge his goodness, never more wonderfully 
displayed than in this time of trial. If we do this, 
then our children, and our children's children, will 
have greater reason than we, " abundantly to utter 
the memory of his great goodness, and to sing of his 
righteousness." 

But before proceeding with what I desire to say, 
let me anticipate, and answer, an objection that may 
arise in some minds before I am through. Some 
may say, this \^ imlitical preaching ; and the objection 
is, ministers have no right to preach on political sub- 
jects. I am very well aware that the phrase political 
preaching is a very vague and indefinite one. Each 
man may attach his own meaning to it, and condemn 
or commend accordingly. And I am also well aware 
that ministers sometimes make great mistakes on 
this subject, and preach in such a way as both to 
damage the cause they would advocate, and injure 
their influence in promoting religion. But their 
imprudence should not be made an argument to 
silence all others. I claim for ministers, and for 
myself among them, the right to preach on any sub- 
ject that interests men in this world, or for the 
world to come. And that right could easily be 
maintained, on the broadest and firmest foundations. 



8 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

It is not in accordance with my purpose to discuss 
those foundations now. Let me only say, that in 
exercising this right the extent, manner, time, and 
place must be determined by each man. Of course 
it ought to be exercised with prudence and common 
sense. But without these qualities no man is quali- 
fied to preach the gospel at all. But my whole soul 
revolts against the doctrine that there are subjects 
upon which ministers and the church have no right 
to speak. This is one of the most specious fallacies 
of the great adversary of souls; and nothing could 
please wicked men better. 

Notice where the doctrine would carry us. 
Designing men may make the question of tem- 
perance; or, of the Bible in common schools; or, 
of the observance of the Sabbath; political ques- 
tions, and then demand tliat ministers shall not 
break silence. These questions have already been 
carried into the political arena in some parts of the 
country, and any others may be carried there at 
any day. And must we, therefore, not follow them ? 
The only rule that can be admitted is that which 
permits ministers to follow any question of which 
the Bible treats, wherever it may be carried. And 
certainly the Bible has much to say of politics, in 
the broad and general sense of that word. Not, 
indeed, in the way of bestowing upon ministers 
and the Church the control of rulers and people, 
but the right to teach both their duty. And I need 
scarcely add, that prudence will deter ministers from 
meddling with partisan strife and attempting to con- 
trol the local machinery of political parties. But if 
one of them does, in this respect, transcend the 



^<7 



NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 9 

bounds of prudence and propriety, let us neither 
denounce the whole class, nor lay down absurd rules 
to govern the whole class. And withal let us be 
consistent, for it is very suggestive to observe that 
many who bitterly denounce political preaching in 
their opponents, have no word of denunciation for 
those ministers of a powerful Church, who actually 
instruct their followers how to vote. 

It will be readily understood that the special 
application of these remarks is to the great rebellion 
that has so rent our country. And in reference to 
that subject, I hold that not only is it the right of a 
minister to speak out plainly, but he who is silent is 
recreant to his duty, both towards God and man. 
It is not necessary to indulge in bitter denunciations 
of other men. The cause of truth does not demand 
this, and is never promoted by it. The enemies of 
truth may do this, and we have it in abundance from 
rebels and their friends. But I venture to assert 
that those men who will not allow ministers to break 
silence on this great contest, and those ministers 
who bitterly denounce such as do speak, are alike 
sympathizers with rebellion and enemies of their 
government. And on their part consistency and 
fairness only require that they should go to their 
own place. 

NoAv, I have no fear that you do not understand 
my position in reference to this great rebellion. I 
should be ashamed of myself, if I thought it was not 
understood. But there is one subject, intimately 
connected with it, about which you do not under- 
stand my position. And, as I conscientiously believe 
that it would be sinful to be silent in this period of 



10 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

our country's history, I hope you will bear with me 
in a few words on this subject. I accord to every 
man the right to his own opinion, and I do not 
denounce those who conscientiously differ with me. 
But, I ask from them the same respectful attention I 
would accord to them. 

No doubt you all understand me now as referring 
to the subject of slavery. I have never been what I 
call an abolitionist, though I am not afraid of that 
name. It is a much-abused term, signifying very 
different things with different classes; and may, or 
may not, be disgraceful according to the meaning 
you give the term. I mean by it to describe those 
who thought the citizens of one State had the right 
to abolish slavery in another. I could never hold 
that opinion. With many others, I thought that 
the citizens of the slave States should be left to 
manage that subject for themselves. Possibly, we 
were wrong in thinking and acting thus, and it may 
be God is punishing us for that conduct. At all 
events, that is the reason for my saying so little here- 
tofore. And I can ask you, then, to listen to me as 
to one who has never been an extremist, and who 
would not dictate to others. 

Early opinion in our country was almost, if not 
quite, unanimous in regarding slavery as an evil. 
All our first and prominent statesmen assented to 
this opinion, and those also who were themselves 
slaveholders. Washington, and Patrick Henry, and 
Jefferson, and Madison, and all that class of men 
were among them. Washington greatly desired to 
see the system gradually abolished. Patrick Henry 
said, " It is a debt we owe to the purity of our reli- 



s 



o 



NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 1 1 

gion, to show that it is at war with the law that war- 
rants slavery." Jefferson said in reference to this 
subject, "I tremble for my country, when I remem- 
ber that God is just." And these men all had a 
hand in that famous ordinance of 1787, that conse- 
crated the whole vast territory of the Northwest to 
freedom. 

But not only was this the opinion of statesmen, it 
was also that of the Church. Our own branch of the 
Church of Christ has always been conservative, per- 
haps too much so of late years ; but we would have 
her remain always conservative of whatever is good 
and true. Yet this Church, as late as 1818, made 
a strong deliverance on this subject.* These are 

* For the sake of those who may not have other access to it, I have 
deemed it proper to insert this document-entire. 

"The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, having taken into 
consideration the subject of slavery, think proper to make known their 
sentiments upon it to the churches and people under their care. 

"(a) We consider the voluntary enslaving of one portion of the human 
race by another, as a gross violation of the most precious and sacred rights 
of human nature; as utterly inconsistent with the law of God, which 
requires us to love our neighbor as ourselves, and as totally irreconcilable 
with the spirit and principles of the gospel of Christ, which enjoins that 
'all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so 
to them.' Slavery creates a paradox in the moral system; it exhibits 
rational, accountable, and immortal beings in such circumstances as 
scarcely to leave them the power of moral action. It exhibits them as 
dependent on the will of others, whether they shall receive religious 
instruction; whether they shall know and worship the true God; whether 
they shall enjoy the ordinances of the gospel; whether they shall perform 
the duties and cherish the endearments of husbands and wives, parents and 
children, neighbors and friends; whether they shall preserve their chastity 
and purity, or regard the dictates of justice and humanity. Sucli are some 
of the consequences of slavery — consequences not imaginary, but which 
connect themselves with its very existence. The evils to which the slave 
is always exposed often take j'^lace in fact, and in their very worst degree 
and form; and where all of them do not take place, as we rejoice to say in 
many instances, through the influence of the principles of humanity and 
religion on the mind of masters, they do not — still, the slave is deprived of 
his natural right, degraded as a human being, and exposed to the danger of 



12 NATIONAL THANKSGIYING. 

some of the opening words: "We 'consider the 
Yokintary enslaving of one portion of the human 
race by another, as a gross violation of the most pre- 

a master who may inflict upon him all the hardshijis and injuries which 
inhumanity and avarice may suggest, 

" From this view of the consequences resulting from the practice into which 
Christian people have most inconsistently fallen, o£ enslaving a portion of 
their brethren of mankind — for 'God hath made of one blood all nations of 
men to dwell on the face of the earth' — it is manifestly the duty of all Chris- 
tians who enjoy the light of the present day, when the inconsistency of 
slavery, both with the dictates of humanity and religion, has been demon- 
strated, and is generally seen and acknowledged, to use their honest, earnest, 
and unwearied endeavors to correct the errors of former times, and as sjieedily 
as possible to eflface this blot on our holy religion, and to obtain the complete 
abolition of slavery throughout Christendom, and if possible, throughout 
the world. 

"(b) We rejoice that the Church to which we belong commenced as early 
as any other in this country, the good work of endeavoring to put an end 
to slavery, and that in the same work many of its members have ever since 
been, and now are, among the most active, vigorous, and efficient laborers. 
We do, indeed, tenderly sympathize with those portions of our Church 
and our country where the evil of slavery has been entailed upon them; 
where a great, and the most virtuous part of the community abhor slavery, 
and wish its extermination as sincerely as any others — but where the 
number of slaves, their ignorance, and their vicious habits generally, 
render an immediate and universal emancipation inconsistent alike with 
the safety and happiness of the master and the slave. With those who are 
thus circumstanced, we repeat, that we tenderly sympathize. At the same 
time, we earnestly exhort them to continue, and, if possible, to increase 
their exertions to eifect a total abolition of slavery. We exhort them to 
suffer no greater delay to take place in this most interesting concern, than 
a regard to the public welfare truly and indispensably demands. 

'•(c) As our country has inflicted a most grievous injury upon the 
unhappy Africans, by bringing them into slavery, we cannot indeed urge 
that we should add a second injury to the first, by emancipating them in 
such a manner as they will be likely to destroy themselves or others. 
But we do think that our country ought to be governed in this matter by 
no other consideration than an honest and impartial regard to the happi- 
ness of the injured party, uninfluenced by the expense or inconvenience 
which such a regard may involve. We, therefore, warn all who belong to 
our denomination of Christians, against unduly extending this plea of 
necessity; against making it a cover for the love and practice of slavery, 
or a pretence for not using eflbrts that are lawful and practicable, to 
extinguish this evil. And we, at the same time, exhort others to forbear 
harsh censures, and uncharitable reflections on their brethren, who 
unhappily live among slaves whom they cannot immediately set free; but 
who, at the same time, are really using all their influence, and all their 
endeavors, to bring them into a state of freedom, as soon as a door for it 



S/ 



NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 13 

cioiis rights of human nature, and as utterly incon- 
sistent with the law of God. And it is manifestly 
the duty of all Christians to use their honest, earnest, 

can be safely opened. Having thus expressed our views of slavery, and of 
the duty indispensably incumbent on all Christians to labor for its complete 
extinction, we proceed to recommend, and we do it with all the earnest- 
ness and solemnity which this momentous subject demands, a particular 
attention to the following points. 

"(d) We recommend to all our people to patronize and encourage the 
Society lately formed, for colonizing in Africa, the land of their ancestors, 
the free people of color in our country. We hope that much good may 
result from the plans and efforts of this Society. And while we exceed- 
ingly rejoice to have witnessed its origin and organization among the 
holders of slaves, as giving an unequivocal pledge of their desires to 
deliver themselves and their country from the calamity of slavery, we 
hope that those portions of the American Union, whose inhabitants are by 
a gracious providence more favorably circumstanced, will cordially, and 
liberally, and earnestly co-operate with their brethren, in bringing about 
the great end contemplated. 

"(e) We recommend to all the members of our religious denomination, 
not only to permit, but to facilitate and encourage the instruction of their 
slaves in the principles and duties of the Christian religion; by granting 
them liberty to attend on the preaching of the gospel, when they have 
opportunity; by favoring the instruction of them in the Sabbath school, 
wherever those schools can be formed; and by giving them all other proper 
advantages for acquiring the knowledge of their duty both to God and to 
man. We are perfectly satisfied, that it is incumbent on all Christians to 
communicate religious instruction to those who are under their authority, 
so that the doing of this in the case before us, so far from operating, as some 
have apprehended that it might, as an incitement to insubordination and 
insurrection, would, on the contrary, operate as the most powerful means 
for the prevention of these evils. 

"(/) We enjoin it on all church sessions and Presbyteries, under the care 
of this Assembly, to discountenance, and as far as possible to prevent all 
cruelty, of whatever kind, in the treatment of slaves; especially the cruelty 
of separating husband and wife, parents and children, and that which 
consists in selling slaves to those who will either themselves deprive these 
unhappy people of the blessings of the gospel, or who will transport them 
to places where the gospel is not proclaimed, or where it is forbidden to 
slaves to attend upon its institutions. And if it shall ever happen that a 
Christian professor in our communion shall sell a slave who is also in com- 
munion and good standing with our Church, contrary to his or her will and 
inclination, it ought immediately to claim the particular attention of the 
proper Church judicature; and unless there be such peculiar circumstances 
attending the case as can but seldom happen, it ought to be followed 
without delay, by a suspension of the offender from all the privileges of the 
Church, till he repent, and make all the reparation in his power to tbo 
injured party." 



l-i NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

and unwearied endeavors to correct the errors of 
former times, and as speedily as possible to efface 
this blot on our holy religion, and to obtain the 
complete abolition of slavery throughout Christen- 
dom, and, if possible, throughout the world." 

And observe, this paper was drawn up by a com- 
mittee, of which Dr. Baxter, of Virginia, was a 
member; and it received the unanimous vote of the 
General Assembly. According to this definition, 
you may call me an abolionist. But to this extent 
every member of the General Assembly of 1818, 
from the South as well as from the North, was also 
an abolitionist. In view of such facts as these, it 
would seem preposterous to inquire where a change 
of opinion has taken place on this subject. Cer- 
tainly not in the North, unless it may be said that 
we have not firmly held that high position to which 
we have just referred. We have reason to thank 
God that our Church has continued to abide by the 
deliverance of 1818, although there has been some 
wavering. In a distinct utterance the Assembly of 
last spring re-affirmed that first deliverance. And 
we may rejoice to belong to a Church holding such 
sentiments. But in the Southern States a great 
change rapidly took place. No doubt many held, 
and still hold, the old opinion. But the large ma- 
jority came to regard and defend slavery as a divine 
institution. And not only that, but they soon refused 
to tolerate any other opinion. It became as much as 
a man's life was worth, in the slave States, to ques- 
tion the divine right of slavery. But they were not 
content with this, they were determined the system 
should be strengthened and extended. In church 



J A 



NATIONAL THANKSGIYING. 15 

and state they were determined to crush out all 
opposition. Politicians must bow to their demands, 
or be overwhelmed. Churchmen must defend their 
favourite institution, or, at least, apologize for it, or 
they could never reach any position of honour and 
influence in the Church. 

And in all this South Carolina has ever been fore- 
most. In 1860 the Synod of that State took action 
encouraging the State to secede, and declaring the 
Assembly's action on slavery of 1818, "virtually 
rescinded" by the subsequent action of 1845. And 
then in 1861, although the Minutes of that Synod 
had not been before the Assembly for five years, and 
although not one member was present from that 
Synod, yet the Book of Minutes was forwarded by 
express, in order that the action above stated might 
be approved. But the Assembly condemned the 
action, and thereupon the Synod of South Carolina 
withdrew from connection with our Assembly. And 
that pestilent member of our Union has thus obtained 
the infamous distinction of being the first to rend 
the State, and first to disrupt the Church ; and all 
for the aggrandizement of slavery. 

The intolerant, propagandizing spirit of slavery 
was making itself felt all over our land. The evi- 
dence of this was seen in the fact that it had become 
a very delicate matter to touch that subject. People 
were uneasy, and ready to find fault at the mere 
mention of it. And this certainly indicated that it 
was high time to speak oat boldly and fully. What- 
ever is intolerant of free discussion has something 
wrong about it. Slavery will not, because it cannot, 
tolerate free discussion. Truth seeks discussion; 



16 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

falsehood perishes by it, and the inference in refer- 
ence to slavery is obvious. 

Now I do not propose to occupy your time in dis- 
cussing the moral question involved in slavery. I 
am ready to adopt the strong language of Dr. Breck- 
inridge, of Kentucky, "Out upon such folly! The 
man who cannot see that involuntary domestic 
slavery, as it exists among us, is founded upon the 
principle of taking by force that which is another's, 
has simply no moral sense." That is, slavery is 
founded upon the principle of the highway robber; 
and no man with moral sense can defend such a 
principle. But all men have moral sense — an innate 
sense of right and wrong. And all men know that 
slavery is wrong. They may apologize for it; they 
may defend it as right ; they may solemnly declare 
their belief in its divine origin ; but in their inmost 
souls they know it is wrong; their conscience con- 
tradicts all their declarations. To assert the con- 
trary, is to confess to a want of conscience. The sys- 
tem that delivers over one man entirely into the 
hands of another, without any means of defence or 
redress, is in palpable violation of the plainest dic- 
tates of simple justice, and of the teachings of the 
Christian religion. 

But although I will not waste your time in dis- 
cussing this question, permit me to notice one or 
two difficulties that may exist in some minds. 
Some one may say, " the children of Israel were per- 
mitted to hold slaves, and Paul returned Onesimus 
to his master, Philemon." I admit this is all true. 
But one man concludes, "if that is true, I will have 
nothing more to do with the Bible." Another con- 



^^ 



NATION^AL THANKSGIVING. 



eludes, "if that is true, then the enslaving of Afri- 
cans among us is right." Both conclusions are 
wrong. The first, because it makes man wiser than 
God. The second, because it rests upon a fallacy. 
The Jewish slavery no more justifies that which 
exists among us, than the extermination of the 
Canaanites would justify us in exterminating other 
nations. Both were justifiable in them, because of 
express divine permission and command. And as 
regards the slavery of New Testament times, Christ 
and his apostles contented themselves with incul- 
cating principles that must inevitably remove it, 
wherever they are received and practised. This was 
then, and it will always be, the result everywhere. 
There never was a more absurd farce than is fur- 
nished by the attempt to justify slavery and our 
fugitive-slave law, by the case of Paul and Philemon. 
Justify them by other means if you can ; but do not 
attempt it by such a reference. Paul returned 
Onesimus as a Christian brother, and not as the 
slave and chattel of Philemon. 

But the true and only point in the argument drawn 
from the Bible is, does it justify the system existing 
among us — not some theoretical system, but what 
we have seen in our own land? I need not discuss 
that question. Every unbiassed person must answer, 
No! — in no way that it can be applied. Then that 
argument ought to be abandoned. But yet we have 
had long discussions as to what was the system 
among the Jews and Romans ; and as to whether it 
was possible for the relation of master and slave to 
exist without sin. And all this, while the friends of 
slavery have gone on, strengthening the power of a 
2 



18 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

system which permitted wicked men, for the sake of 
gain, to separate husband and wife, and parents and 
chiklren; to herd human beings together like droves 
of cattle; and to traffic in the souls and bodies of 
immortal beings like merchandise. I have no kind 
of doubt, that men have sustained the relation of 
master to slave without sin, and do so to this day. 
But such cases do not define the system, they are the 
exceptions under it. They do not even prove that 
the evils lie not in the system, but in its abuses. The 
system itself is the greatest of all abuses. Not that 
all slaves are in the condition above described, but 
they are put entirely at the mercy of depraved men, 
and every slave is liable every day to fall into that 
condition. Nothing could be a greater abuse, nothing 
could do more violence to human nature than such a 
system. 

But another will say, '-'■ If you destroy slavery^ you 
will elevate the black race to an equality with the 
white.'''' I have two answers to that objection; one 
is, it is an entirely selfish objection. In natural 
rights all men are equal before God, for he has 
" made them all of one blood." In the positions we 
occupy in this world the true basis of equality is 
merit. But this is constantly violated. The shrewd 
rascal is permitted to occupy a standing and position 
which is denied to the honest poor man. No one 
can gainsay the following doctrine; all that can be 
asked, or granted, is that every man shall have an 
equally fair chance with others to make the most 
of himself and do the best he can. The man who 
denies that doctrine, both does his fellow-creature 
a wrong, and is a coward. 



NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 19 

The second answer to this objection is, that it is 
based upon a fallacy, or rather upon two fallacies. 
One is this, "Social equality follows from giving 
freedom to the slaves." The truth is, one is not 
involved in the other at all. Designing, corrupt 
politicians, may endeavor to make the people believe 
this; but they do not believe their own teachings. 
The other fallacy underlying this objection is this, 
" Because the black race is inferior to the white, it is 
right to keep them in slavery." If this were a cor- 
rect principle, we might claim slaves from other 
races than the African. 

There is another objection sometimes made, "J/* 
the slaves are all set free they will overrun us J' This 
is another selfish difficulty. But it is met by a 
selfish consideration — if they are all set free, thev 
will remain where they are. The natural position 
of that race is towards the equator. The exodus 
will eventually be southward, not northward. But 
if slavery continues to exist, then multitudes will be 
driven northward. They are distinguished for local 
attachments, and nothing but the stern hand of 
slavery at home, and the hope of liberty in the dis- 
tance, will ever make them wander far from their 
homes. But let us silence that selfishness that 
claims an exclusive right to any particular portion of 
the earth's surface ; and let us remember Pharaoh. 
God sent unto him saying, " Let my people go." 
Pharaoh might have answered, " If I let them go, 
they will perish in the wilderness, or there will be 
no place found for them," But God made a way 
where man could not, and found a place, and took 
care of his people. Now, if God has said to us, 
"Let this people go," our duty is obedience. God 



20 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

will take care of the consequences. He will provide 
a way and a place. If we refuse obedience, a Red 
Sea disaster will overtake us, but God's purpose will 
be accomplished. We have but barely escaped such 
a disaster, and it behooveth us to listen carefully for 
the voice of God. 

Let me, then, hasten on to glance at the indica- 
tions of the Providential design in this great war. 
I read that design written in letters of living light ; 
it is to destroy slavenj. There are many other 
sins, besides that of slavery, for which we may 
say God is punishing us. But this was, doubtless, 
the great sin of this nation in our relations to 
men; and we were all guilty, therefore we must 
all suffer. I say it was God's design to destroy 
slavery, it was not man's. Under our Constitution 
we could not touch slavery in the States. And cer- 
tainly there were few who desired to do so. Whe- 
ther it was right or wrong in us, very few of us 
desired to interfere with the system where it existed. 
Then if it was God's design to remc^ve it, there 
were but two ways by which it could be done — 
by the people of the slave States themselves, or 
by violence. It was very evident that the people 
would never have removed the evil. The design, 
then, could be accomplished only by violence. 
But whence shall that violence arise? Must the 
North arise to invade the South to destroy the sys- 
tem ■? They never would have done that; and it 
would not have been right if they had. But thus it 
came; — slavery and freedom could not continue to 
exist together in this country. One or the other 
must control the policy of the government. And 
whichever did that, must finally prevail over the 



•^6 

NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 21 

other. It is not necessary, for my purpose, to stop 
to prove that in the end — in the gradual and natural 
working of principles and policies — these States 
united must have become all slave or all free. It is 
enough now to say that slaveholders themselves saw 
this clearly ; and, although they denounced the idea 
when in power, they prepared to act accordingly. 
So their resolution was fixed, that when they lost 
control of the government they would destroy it. 
Freedom had submitted to the fundamental principle 
of a republic — the majority shall rule — for fifty 
years, while slavery controlled the policy of the 
government; but now, when it gained only the 
partial control, slavery will not submit. 

Now it must be admitted that if there is any 
element in our national existence that will not sub- 
mit to the majority, then in that condition republican 
government is impossible. And that element must 
be removed or national life is inevitably destroyed. 
But not only did slavery refuse to submit to the 
majority, but it arose to destroy the national life. 
For our national life existed in a union under one 
administrative head, and whatever struck at that 
head struck at the nation's life. We simply sprang 
to arms to save the government, and restore its 
rightful authority. And it cannot, with truth, be 
said, either to our credit or our reproach, that we 
intended to destroy slavery. But we went forth to 
accomplish one object, and in doing that, God used 
us to accomplish another. And thus would we pre- 
fer it should be, that he shall use us to fulfil all his 
own counsel. It was neither right in us, nor were 
we disposed, to strike the blow of our own motion. 
But God overruled the folly and madness of men to 



22 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

place slavery in such an attitude, that all the 
interests of Iiumanity compelled us to strike the 
blow under which it must die. The violence, then, 
by which slavery is to be destroyed is of its own 
seeking. We were ready to compromise with 
slavery on almost any terms to secure its loyalty to 
the government. But it would have no compromise 
if freedom controlled the policy of the government. 
It must rule or it will ruin. So much for the begin- 
ning of the war. 

Now mark the hand of God in its progress, indi- 
cating his great design. We thought seventy-five 
thousand men an immense host; and marched forth 
confident of an easy victory. But we were stupefied 
and amazed by a panic and a rout at Bull Run. It 
can scarcely be doubted that if Beauregard's army 
had been thus routed the war would have ended 
then; and ended in such a way as to leave the old 
question of slavery just where it was before. But 
observe how men acted and felt; traitors in our own 
service undoubtedly procured our defeat on that 
battle-field. Rebels and their friends rejoiced in their 
victory; and the multitude of the loyal thought, "all 
this is against us." Some saw th6 hand of God even 
then, and recognised the meaning of this reverse. 
All can see now that the victory of the rebels there, 
was a calamity only to themselves; it was a victory 
for slavery that will cost its life. 

But this was not enough. The next year we 
gathered up a magnificent host, and marched against 
the rebel capital. And according to all rules of 
human calculation our success was certain. History 
will reveal the causes of failure, we cannot know 



NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 23 

them now. But this we know, God was against us, 
and left us of that army only remnants sufficient to 
save ourselves from being overrun. But if McClellan 
had captured Richmond, it seems probable the war 
would have ended then, and ended in leaving slavery 
where it was before. Again a rebel victory was 
turned to a great, perhaps the greatest, rebel disaster. 
The war, still continued, had now advanced to such 
a point as made the destruction of slavery inevitable. 
Since that time it has not mattered how the war 
terminated, as to its result on this system; if the 
rebellion is crushed, slavery goes down with it; if it 
succeeds, slavery is no less sure to die. History 
will show, in a most wonderful manner, how rebel 
successes and loyal reverses were just such, and so 
far, as was necessary to accomplish this Providential 
design. This is the light by which I have always 
read all our reverses. 

Then came the Proclamation of Emancipation. I 
leave it to other men to criticise its effects and ex- 
pediency at the time. I have two remarks to make 
concerning it: one is, it was nothing more than a 
recognition of the Providential design with reference 
to slavery. It may have hastened the final destruc- 
tion of that system, it did not render it more certain. 
It certainly presented a fair issue, and will, hereafter, 
furnish the ground upon which men and parties will 
take their position, for or against this great enemy of 
our national life. Another remark is : however men 
may explain the fact, it is still a fact, that nearly all 
our substantial successes at home have been achieved 
since that time. And certainly our relations with 
foreigQ governments have rapidly became more satis- 



24 JfATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

factory. So that now we can have scarcely the 
slightest apprehension of difficulty from abroad. 

Now look at another indication of the Providential 
design. We were alarmed at the idea of four mil- 
lions of slaves becoming free. The appalling ques- 
tion oppressed us, "What will become of them'?" It 
seemed impossible to free them, and more impossible 
to provide for them a place. But God has found a 
way to freedom for them, in a manner almost equal- 
ling the wonders of Egypt, and already he is 
showing his manner of providing for them. As our 
armies have advanced, these people have fled for 
liberty, and sought their protection. And wherever 
territory has been permanently occupied, they have 
been afforded the opportunity to labor. And thou- 
sands of these freedmen are laboring in their old 
places and occupations, with a will and satisfaction 
they never knew before. As our armies continue to 
advance, this process will go on. These people will 
stay where they are, to do a work none can do so 
well, and they will do it better with freedom than in 
slavery. Doubtless multitudes will perish in passing 
through their transition state. This is always true 
in every upheaval of society, and the more sudden 
and violent the transition, the more will perish. We 
would have chosen it to be gradual, but God 
has chosen otherwise. And all we can do is, 
casting behind us our old prejudices for our own 
favorite methods, accommodate ourselves to passing 
events, and hasten to the present relief, and the final 
education and elevation of those whom God has 
made free. And in this work of elevation he is 
leading the way. For I am here called to record, 
what once I did not believe could occur, that this 



^7 

NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 25 

oppressed race is, in a most wonderful manner, fight- 
ing its way to the rights of manhood. We were 
very loath to give them the opportunity to do this, 
but necessity compelled us. And, like a rising tide, 
this necessity is sweeping all opposition before it. 
And we Anglo-Saxons, who claim to be preeminently 
a fighting race, will be constrained to do what all 
brave men are ever ready to do — acknowledge 
bravery in others, and accord to bravery its merited 
reward. 

Let me refer to one other indication of the great 
Providential design. Ever since this war began, we 
have paid great deference to the people of the border 
slave States that did not go with the rebellion ; and 
properly enough too. But now we are all astonished, 
perhaps some are astounded, to find these people 
going far ahead of us all. In Virginia, we have 
the western portion of the State, always loyal, in the 
Union as a free State. In Delaware, Maryland 
and Missouri, the people have already voted that 
slavery shall die ; and the only question is whether it 
shall die instantaneously or gradually. In Ken- 
tucky, the question has not reached that point; but 
it will, very soon. And in the States already re- 
claimed by our arms, how stands the matter '? In 
Tennessee, Arkansas, Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida 
and North Carolina, the people are discussing 
whether they shall abandon slavery, and return to 
their places in the Union. For they seem to have 
accepted it as the only alternative, that they must 
do the first in order to do the latter. Slavery is 
already swept out of Virginia, the State that went 
with the rebellion in order to become slave-producer 
for the Confederacy. And we know that many of 



26 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

the people, in the States yet under rebel rule, are 
ready to follow their brethren back into the Union 
without slavery. 

Then the people of the free States have just 
expressed their solemn determination, that the war 
shall be prosecuted until the authority of the gov- 
ernment is established over every foot of our territory, 
whatever may become of local institutions. I refer 
not now merely to the result of elections, but to all 
other indications of sentiment, as well. The mass of 
our people, of all parties, are united in this determi- 
nation. The leaders that opposed this resolve are 
buried in oblivion. Politicians may talk as they 
please, I have the greatest faith that the people will 
decide aright, when they fairly understand a subject; 
and there never has been any substantial difference 
among the people, on the point above named. I con- 
sider this development of anti-slavery sentiment 
among the people of the Border States, and the con- 
tinued unity of the people of the free States in this 
one resolve, as among the most wonderful manifesta- 
tions of Providential design which the history of the 
world presents. Here, then, are two elements, oper- 
ating to secure the accomplishment of God's design 
to destroy slavery. There is a third element, which 
makes the problem complete ; — the stubborn persist- 
ence of the leaders in the rebellion. Their successes 
at first only stimulated their hopes, until the war 
had reached a point from which they could not 
return. They and their darling institution are irre- 
trievably committed to succeed or perish. They 
dashed slavery against the government, in a manner, 
and with an energy, that must destroy or be des- 
troyed. The loyal people only said, " In the strength 



NATIONAL TIIANKSGIYING. 37 

and by the grace of God, you shall not destroy.'''' 
Their madness at first, and their persistence at 
last, made the other alternative sure. And we 
may thank God to-day that he has overruled the 
madness of its friends to the destruction of this 
monstrous evil. 

Now, if these things are true, what is our duty^ 
Here we have little else to do than stand still, and 
see the wonderful works of God. Still there is 
somewhat that we may do. We may do whatever 
we can to help our brethren in the slave States, 
who are striving to get rid of this burden, to bear the 
burden until they can throw it off. I am willing to 
share the burden so far as to grant compensation to 
loyal slaveholders, if such can be found. And this 
further we can do, and we must do; the freed 
slaves, in multitudes, are suffering untold horrors. It 
is not their fault for which they are suffering. We 
must do what we can to mitigate those sufferings, 
until they can settle down in homes of their own, 
where they can earn their own livelihood. Still 
this more we can do, we can resolve never to lend our 
voice or vote to permit slavery ever again to urge 
any claim as a right. Like a felon, it has no rights. 
The only thing that can be granted, after all the 
agony it has caused, is a little time in which to dis- 
appear altogether. It is my solemn conviction that 
whoever interposes, in any way, to save slavery, will 
find himself fio-htins: a2:ainst God. This is true of 
men or parties; and none can do this without 
being overwhelmed. If this is truth, let us act 
accordingly. Regard not what I say, except I speak 
according to truth. Be not afraid of the truth; it 



28 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

will not hurt you, unless you oppose it. If you do 
that, it will crush you. 

And here I might well pause, for I have detained 
you long enough ; hut I cannot restrain the desire 
to suggest a few more thoughts from the vast field 
presented. For I consider this such an occasion as 
rarely comes to men ; and such as I do not expect to 
enjoy again. I have referred to the grand Provi- 
dential design in this war; doubtless God has many 
designs to accomplish, but the grand design is to 
destroy slavery. And I have presented the indica- 
tions both of the existence and the accomplishment 
of that design, as forming a great subject for thanks- 
giving on this national day. In the progress of its 
accomplishment God has strangely mingled goodness 
and righteousness. But his works of righteousness 
were only such as were necessary to prepare the way 
for his goodness. Some may think it too soon to 
give thanks on this subject. I have waited and 
watched, and to me it seems not too soon. 

But permit me now to remark further, that we 
have reason "abundantly to utter the memory of the 
great goodness and righteousness" of God towards 
this nation, in teaching us such a lesson^ in the cause 
of law and order, as can never he forgotten. 

The Spirit of God, as I firmly believe, has inspired 
the people of this nation — the great majority of 
them — with the doctrine, that the only way to deal 
with forcible resistance to law is to crush it. That 
is the true doctrine with reference to any rebellion; 
but especially so, if against a mild and beneficent 
government. This is the greatest crime men can 
commit. And then, at all hazards and at every cost. 



3? 

NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 29 

the law — the government — must be sustained, until 
traitors and rebels unconditionally submit. There is 
no safety either to life or property in any other doc- 
trine. Now if this great rebellion is crushed by the 
strong arm of power, as I have not the slightest 
doubt it will be, there will, in all probability, never be 
seen its like again. With slavery removed, it would 
seem impossible that there should ever again be 
cause for such another. But if such a cause should 
arise, the fearful fate now overtaking those in rebel- 
lion will stand as such a warning to those who would 
resist the ordinance of God, as will make men hesi- 
tate long, before plunging into another such under- 
taking. God is enforcing the teachings of his word 
in reference to civil government in a manner not to 
be forgotten. " For the ruler is not a terror to good 
works, but to the evil. For he is the minister of 
God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is 
evil, be afraid; for he beareth not the sword in vain: 
for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute 
wrath upon him that doeth evil." Rom. xiii. 3, 4. 
Surely that wrath will not lightly be provoked again. 
But not only in the results of the great rebellion 
itself will this lesson be learned. We have had out- 
bursts of the foul spirit of rebellion in our midst. 
In one of our great cities lawless violence instituted 
a reign of terror for days. In some parts of our land 
the mob have fired churches, and danced around the 
ruins, because those who worshipped in them were 
Protestants, and loyal to their government. A dan- 
gerous dalliance was attempted by some. But slowly 
moving justice is pursuing them to the fearful ex- 
tremity. It may be said by some, this is the work 



30 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

of our most degraded foreign population, and there- 
fore they should be prevented from coming to our 
country. But nay! — let them come, as now they are 
flocking to our shores " as doves to their windows." 
Only let them be taught that, although this is a land 
of liberty, it is so only because it is a land of law and 
order; and it is a land where all men shall be pro- 
tected in worshipping God according to the dictates 
of their own conscience. 

There is another subject for hearty thanksgiving 
Avliich we should do wrong to omit noticing. I may 
call it the advanced position taken by our rulers on the 
subject of religious truth. Hitherto our public docu- 
ments were too generally such as heathen or infidels 
could approve. There has been a marked advance in 
this respect. This is seen in the frequent calls of our 
present Chief Magistrate to acknowledge God, first 
in humiliation and prayer, and then in thanksgiving. 
And especially in the character of these calls; con- 
fessing sin, and praying for its pardon; acknow- 
ledging the just chastening of the Almighty, and 
seeking its removal; and chiefly in recognising, as 
had never been done before, the Personality of the 
Third Person of the Trinity. 

And then we have, last of all, the loyal and excel- 
lent call of our Governor, echoing the President's 
call to thanksgiving. Besides calling us to give 
thanks for life, and health, and abundant harvests, 
and for victories by our armies, he also calls upon us 
to acknowledge that all our blessings come from the 
mercy of God. This is a confession statesmen are 
not likely to make. But that which deserves parti- 
cular notice is, that he calls upon us to give thanks 



NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 81 

"especially for the gift of the Son of God, the 
Saviour of the world, who continually maketh inter- 
cession for us." This is enough to make the Chris- 
tian's heart bound with joy. I doubt if ever there 
was such a recognition of the Son of God in any 
public document of the country. And this indicates 
one great sin — the greatest sin of our land in rela- 
tion to God — we have not properly recognised Jesus 
Christ. Upon his shoulders is laid the Government. 
His Providence it is that rules the nations, and his 
grace and povi^er saves sinners. As sinners will 
perish who refuse to believe on him, so nations that 
refuse to acknowledge his authority shall be ''dashed 
in pieces like a potter's vessel." I do not know what 
may have been in the mind of the Governor when he 
penned these words, whether he thought of Jesus 
Christ as making intercession for a people, or for 
individuals. We generally use that expression as 
referring to the individuals for whom Christ inter- 
cedes. But this is the grand thought I would have 
you recognise in this connection; Jesus Christ 
maketh intercession for this nation as such. It is my 
firm conviction that God has a great mission for this 
nation to perform; a mission only just begun; a 
mission not only to break the prison doors of bigotry, 
tyranny, and oppression, and disseminate the prin- 
ciples of civil liberty throughout the world; but also 
a special mission in behalf of the kingdom of his 
dear Son. 

The teeming millions that are swarming to our 
land, and covering our hills and valleys with such 
unparalleled rapidity, come to us to receive a pure 
gospel. Our own safety demands that we give them 



32 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

this gospel, and that speedily ; otherwise we shall be 
overwhelmed. Their temporal and eternal salvation 
demands this. The highest interests of humanity 
demand it; for these millions, coming to us from 
every region under the sun, must send back a power- 
ful influence to their fatherland. But besides this 
silent, indirect operation, we are sending the living 
messengers to all nations, carrying the Bible, with 
all its priceless blessings of civil and religious 
liberty. And we are only beginning this work. 
Never was so grand a mission, on such a scale of 
grandeur, committed to any nation. For the fulfil- 
ment of this mission God is purifying us by fire. 
To save us for the fulfilment of this mission the Son 
of God has been interceding for us ; and for this he 
maketh continual intercession. This glorious thought 
calls not to presumption, but to humility and holy 
exultation. He intercedes for us, not for our own 
sakes, and therefore we should be humble. He 
intercedes for us for the sake of his own kingdom, 
and therefore we may exult in the assurance of suc- 
cess. This thought has sustained our faith in the 
darkest hour; and will sustain it to the end. In the 
firm conviction that Christ intercedes for us, we have 
the basis of the fullest assurance that our country 
shall triumph over all enemies, and go onward and 
upward in her career of blessing. 

This leads to the mention of the principal reason 
we have for believing that Christ still intercedes for 
us, and it is a conclusive one; it is that God hath 
not taken from us his Holy Spirit. This is a subject 
for most devout thanksgiving to-day. AVith what 
gratitude do we remember the years of revival, from 



NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 33 

the presence of the Most High, that preceded the 
breaking out of the war! Who would have pre- 
dicted that those years were to be followed by the 
years of this desolating war'? But now it must be 
an ungrateful heart, and a blinded mind, that cannot 
perceive and will not recognise that those years were 
to prepare us for these. God often has prepared his 
chosen people for fiery trials by a large outpouring 
of his Spirit. So by that wonderful revival that 
swept over our land, we were prepared to do and 
endure, to suffer and to die, in this tremendous 
struggle. Our widows and orphans were taught 
beforehand to stay themselves on God. Multitudes 
of our noble soldiers and sailors were made ready to 
lay down their lives, fighting for the grandest earthly 
inheritance ever bestowed upon man ; and their souls 
were fitted to pass away to the better inheritance in 
heaven; and the people of God were qualified to 
enter upon those wonderful fields of Christian effort 
and benevolence opened up in our armies and navies. 
But more than this, we were not only thus prepared 
to pass through this struggle, but it is evident that 
God was then specially preparing his church for that 
great work to which we shall be called after the close 
of the war. I hope soon to take occasion to set before 
you this work. I can only at present say, that what 
is already opening up among the freed people of 
colour, and in the wide regions desolated by war, 
presents perhaps the most urgent and promising- 
field for Christian exertion ever offered to the 
church. 

But the impression with some may be that God 
has, at present, withdrawn his Spirit. Some may be 
3 



34 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

lamenting that the revival has passed away. On 
the contrary, we are called upon to give thanks that 
God has not withdrawn his Spirit. History will 
show, I believe, or at least the records of eternity 
will reveal, that even during this terrible war there 
has been experienced more of the work of the Spirit, 
in consecrating Christians to the service of Christ, 
and in converting sinners, than in any previous 
period of our country's history. This influence has 
been sent down, as dew is distilled upon the grass, 
upon all classes and conditions, and upon all parts of 
our country. However much a military life may 
appear detrimental to morals yet our army and navy 
have shared largely in this blessed influence. And 
this is true also of the armies of the rebellion. This 
fact might, to some, seem to argue as favorably for 
the cause of our enemies as for our own. It is rather 
indicative of the unity of work and destiny which 
God has designed for this great people. And espe- 
cially is this so, if considered in connection with the 
different effects produced by the Spirit's presence 
upon the minds of our people. In us it is producing 
greater calmness and patience, but more unswerving- 
firmness and unity in prosecuting our great work to 
the end. Among our enemies the effect is the oppo- 
site, but just such as tends to the same consumma- 
tion. Multitudes, who have fallen into our hands, 
have declared that their hearts were not in their 
cause, and have confessed the sin they have been 
either compelled or deceived to commit, in fight- 
ing against their government. And we have to-day 
good reason for believing that the majority of the 
people are convinced of the great mistake they have 



NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 35 

made, and are ready to return on terms of uncondi- 
tional submission to lawful authority. But two 
things now prevent their return, the power of their 
leaders, and the action of that pitiful faction among 
ourselves which encourages them to hope for other 
terms of return. Other terms cannot be granted, for 
they are the terms by which we ourselves abide, and 
which are absolutely necessary to stable govern- 
ment. 

But notice the effect of the Spirit's presence upon 
the rebel leaders; it is just what might be expected 
it would be upon wicked and abandoned men ; " evil 
men and seducers shall wax worse and worse, de- 
ceiving and being deceived." 2 Tim. iii. 13. The 
more hopeless their schemes become, the more des- 
perate they grow, resolving, in the last resort, to 
drag every thing with them down into a common 
ruin. Like the spirits of darkness, becoming con- 
vinced that their doom is unalterably fixed, they are 
determined to involve in it as many as possible. 
Their desperation manifests itself in oppressing the 
deceived victims of their crimes to the very verge of 
human endurance; and in exhibiting towards un- 
happy prisoners in their hands a barbarity scarcely 
paralleled in the annals of savage warfare. But their 
madness is only making more certain and terrible 
their own destruction. Many of the best among 
them have already been removed from the coming 
evil day, and that "destruction that cometh suddenly 
and without remedy" is near to overtaking the guilty 
ones that remain ; and it cannot now be long delayed 
or eluded. And whether they perish under the sen- 
tence of the government they have tried to destroy. 



Ob NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

or fall into the hands of an enraged, deceived people, 
or wander as exiles over the earth, their doom is 
one that will serve as a warning for all time. 

When their power is swept away, we must hasten 
to their crushed victims with supplies in one hand 
and the word of life in the other. Already their 
imploring cry is reaching our ears; that cry we 
may not disregard. Let the loyal North, never so 
prosperous in the history of the country, be ready to 
pour down a stream of supplies from their treasures. 
If the rebel armies hold together through the winter, 
the sufferings of the people under their domination 
must be fearful, and we must stand ready with 
relief, as opportunity offers. The philanthropist and 
Christian must follow in the wake of our victorious 
armies ; their work must precede that of restoring 
the regular operation of the government over the 
rebellious States. Their work flies to the needy of 
every class and condition, and stops not for forms or 
policies. The work of restoring the sway of the 
Constitution, the influence of the national laws, and 
the operation of the courts, is a difficult and delicate 
work, and may require much time. But let all this 
be done, by our government and our people, not in 
the spirit that requires abject submission to masters, 
but in that spirit of justice that would compel all our 
people to submit to the same laws that we obey, 
and the same government, formed by a common 
effort, and that spirit of benevolence that would 
have "our nation's foes return and be brethren of 
one family, with the same Bible, the same religion, 
the same Church, the same liberty, and the same 
social equality." 



^6 

NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 37 

This accomplished, what a wonderful country we 
shall have I Lying within the temperate zone, but 
stretching from the Tropic of Cancer away towards 
the Artie Circle. Traversed by a river from the 
frozen regions of the north to the southern gulf; and 
by a national railway from the Atlantic to the shores 
of the Pacific. Embracing the advantages of almost 
every clime. Its soil capable of producing nearly 
every product of earth. Filled Avith mines of coal, 
and of all the useful and precious metals, the 
hoarded sources of exhaustless wealth for ages to 
come. Furnishing facilities for the manufacture of 
every article needed by man. Offering an asylum 
for the oppressed of all nations. Affording a field 
for the employment of every kind of industry, thus 
developing, to the fullest extent, all the energies of 
men. Inhabited by a homogeneous people, living 
under one flag, one Constitution, and one administra- 
tive power, and united together in fulfilling one 
high. Providential mission; and enjoying the protec- 
tion of a free government, that has endured its 
severest test, in its most terrible form of civil war. 

AVhat a magnificent inheritance to leave to our 
children ! Well may we suffer and endure any bur- 
den to secure it for them. Two years ago I pre- 
sented reasons for our faith that God had not cast oft" 
this nation, but that he intended to save us. Now 
it is almost time to give thanks that he has saved 
us. Certainly we may give thanks for the many 
wonderful things he has done for us. The end of 
our long agony seems near at hand; and when we 
contemplate the inheritance it has purchased, we 
cannot find it in our hearts to regret the agony. 



-38 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

The cost has not been too much, nor the sacrifice 
too great. The treasures of wealth and blood have 
not been lost. Those that have suffered most in 
mind, body, or estate, will deserve most, and must 
hold the highest place in a grateful country's regard. 
The full fruition of all our hopes may not be enjoyed 
in this generation ; but in the fullest confidence, 
and with entire satisfaction, we will stand in our 
lot, that our children may peaceably enjoy this 
inheritance. They will rise to call us blessed, and 
to give thanks to God for what we have suffered 
and accomplished. And then, too, will they fer- 
vently thank God that in the year 1861, Abraham 
Lincoln became President of the United States. 
We may not be able to unite in this thanksgiving 
now. It cannot be expected that we should ; for 
honest men will differ in opinion and action. 
Washington had his honest opposers, as well as 
bitter revilers. But no man now living is willing 
to acknowledge that his grandfather was one of 
either class. 80 our grandchildren will be ashamed 
to confess their descent from the revilers of this 
plain, honest man. Springing from the bosom of 
the people, he came to his high position in a time of 
unparalleled difficulty. But he has so conducted 
himself that his bitterest revilers can say nothing 
against his character; and his honest opponents 
must concede his honesty and patriotism, liaised 
up of God to accomplish a w^ork of incalculable and 
long-enduring benefit to this people, he must, and 
may, wait for history to do him full justice. Then 
the descendants alike of friends and foes will reijard 
his accession to power as the beginning of a new 



NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 39 

epoch ill the history of this nation ; and his term of 
office, as the terrible throes of the nation passing 
through its second birth, thence to enter upon a 
renovated life of growth, and expansion, and power, 
and blessing, such as the world has never seen. 

But amidst all the tremendous events that are 
passing before us — events that mark the rise and fall 
of empires — we are passing away. How many of 
those we love have passed away since these great 
scenes began! Upon each such occasion as this we 
miss some loved face, we listen in vain for some well 
known voice. They have passed away into the land 
of silence, and we listen for their voice until the 
silence becomes a solitude that seems to crush our 
spirits. But one by one we are rapidly following 
them to that silent land. A few more days or 
years, and we too shall be missed. "The places 
that know us will know us no more;" our places 
will be filled by others, and our work taken up by 
others. The grand concern of life, then, is to make 
our peace with God, and so be prepared for another 
world. Transcendently important as are the passing 
events in their influence upon this world, they are as 
nothing to us, individually, when compared with the 
importance of an interest in that '-'kingdom which 
is an everlasting kingdom." Becoming identified 
with that kingdom, we become possessors of all 
things, and heirs to "an inheritance incorruptible, 
and undefiled, and unfading." And although that 
inheritance is only one of promise, and although our 
earthly inheritance is bright and beautiful, yet "the 
Canaan of promise is better than the Mount Seir of 
possession." We give thanks to God for unnum- 



40 NATIONAL THANKSGIVING. 

bered temporal blessings, but for the richer gifts of 
grace through Jesus Christ his Son, we would call 
upon "our souls, and all that is within us," to bless 
and magnify the name of the Lord. " Committing 
the keeping of our souls unto him," in all the vicissi- 
tudes of time, " as unto a faithful Creator," we will 
not fail " abundantly to utter the memory of his 
great goodness, and sing of his righteousness," until 
we unite to recount his wondrous works of mercy 
with the redeemed of every age and kindred, who 
shall be gathered in " his presence, where there is 
fulness of joy, and at his right hand, where there 
are pleasures for evermore." 



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